By Arundhati Roy, B. R. Ambedkar
"What the Communist Manifesto is to the capitalist global, Annihilation of Caste is to India." —Anand Teltumbde, writer of The patience of Caste.
B.R. Ambedkar's Annihilation of Caste is without doubt one of the most vital, but ignored, works of political writing from India. Written in 1936, it really is an audacious denunciation of Hinduism and its caste process. Ambedkar—a determine like W.E.B. Du Bois—offers a scholarly critique of Hindu scriptures, scriptures that sanction a rigidly hierarchical and iniquitous social process. The world's best-known Hindu, Mahatma Gandhi, answered publicly to the provocation. The hatchet was once by no means buried.
Arundhati Roy introduces this greatly annotated version of Annihilation of Caste in "The health care professional and the Saint," studying the patience of caste in glossy India, and the way the clash among Ambedkar and Gandhi maintains to resonate. Roy takes us to the start of Gandhi's political profession in South Africa, the place his perspectives on race, caste and imperialism have been formed. She tracks Ambedkar's emergence as an incredible political determine within the nationwide stream, and indicates how his scholarship and intelligence illuminated a political fight beset by means of sectarianism and obscurantism. Roy breathes new lifestyles into Ambedkar's anti-caste utopia, and says that and not using a Dalit revolution, India will remain hobbled through systemic inequality.
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Extra info for Annihilation of Caste: The Annotated Critical Edition
1975–81: India and Pakistan Figure 1 Plan of the Farakka Barrage Source: Based on Crow et al. (1995), p. 52. 37 38 Regional Influences, 1975–90 1975. 38 Until the Desai government came to power, the intermittent bilateral talks conducted to resolve the Farakka issue exhibited an obvious decline in cordiality. H. H. Khan was taking a much stronger stand concerning Farakka, declaring that Bangladeshis would ‘fight to the last and shed our last drop of blood to establish our right’,40 and adding that ‘India wants to cripple us.
The essential reasons for the enduring stalemate of both issues had much in common, including ingredients such as India’s military superiority, territorial possession and control and the other state’s overwhelming sense of injustice, powerlessness and frustration. Although lacking the history of violence associated with the Kashmir dispute, the potential for violence erupting over Farakka and the sharing of Gangetic water cannot be ruled out. While Bangladesh may be far less capable than either India or Pakistan of waging a military campaign to settle an issue as vexing as the Farakka barrage, frustration and violence could be manifested in a number of other ways, such as mass demonstrations or support for rebel groups, either Indian or Bangladeshi.
A marked contrast can be observed between the relatively minor tension associated with the issues while the Janata party held power, and the bitterness which developed around them after the Janata collapse. Although little substantial progress was achieved in resolving the problems of border demarcation, the way in which the Desai government diplomatically addressed the issues differed particularly from the tactics used by the succeeding Indian government under Mrs Gandhi. By simply acknowledging that the problems, along with Bangladeshi concerns about Indian territorial designs, actually existed, and furthermore, required discussion and accommodation, the Janata regime was establishing a foundation for the possible, mutually satisfactory resolution of the border issues.